The thesis analyzes the apathetic youth turnout myth and researches to see if voter suppression can explain the reason behind low youth turnout. This thesis is a study done with Arizona State University students to assess their level of voter turnout, their levels of political engagement, and if they have experienced voter suppression. Respondents were also asked about the support given by ASU in terms of helping with the voting process. Results indicate that Arizona State students have high levels of political engagement, and that 1 in 5 ASU students have experienced voter suppression. Furthermore, ASU students on a whole are uncertain about the role ASU should play in supporting students with the voting process.

This study attempts to answer the following questions: Is civic engagement a social activity among 18-25-year-old college students? How are opinions regarding civic and political engagement impacted by social settings? How are civic and political engagement atmospheres impacted by social distancing and isolation protocol? In this study, the researcher hypothesized that civic and political engagement are social activities, so they are therefore susceptible to changing social context. Since the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted typical social interaction through social distancing and isolation protocol, the researcher hypothesized that it also altered mechanisms of civic and political engagement. Political engagement would be more prevalent among students who participate with others even in pandemic conditions that may otherwise decrease close contact and social interactions. These findings seem to disagree with the literature that suggests young people are supplanting voting with other forms of engagement (Zukin et al., 2006). Rather, the “complexity” denoted in interviews and in reports of engagements on the pre- and post-election surveys suggests that young people are voting as well as dedicating their time to other activities. Voting does seem to be a social activity according to the interviews, poll observations, and the surveys. This is consistent with the literature regarding social norms and group predictors. However, this social aspect of engagement seems to manifest in a wider variety of formats that originally thought. Finally, students continued to engage in the context of the pandemic that surrounded the election in question. It seems that the formats through which students engaged have expanded to maintain the connections that are crucial to civic participation.

After years of urban blight, Detroit is experiencing a new phase of revitalization spurred by large corporations and entrepreneurs moving into the city. These efforts have largely excluded longtime residents and negate the community led projects that have been operating in the city for years. The city government works with corporations to place an emphasis on business ventures rather than the citizens living in Detroit.Through looking at archival newspapers, a narrative of self-reliance by Detroit residents shows that community organizations are much more effective to the overall survival of Detroiters than corporations.

The Arizona Civic Education Project is a cross-college collaboration supported by the Maricopa County Community College District to design, develop, and distribute publicly available, interactive, and engaging multimedia modules about Arizona State Government and the justice system. The modules aim to consist of high quality, professionally produced, value- neutral, fact-based, and bias-free videos, lesson plans, printable materials and activities that explain how Arizona state government is structured and how the justice system works in Arizona. The modules also identify and teach the audience how to deal with encounters within the justice system through lessons about the courts and dealing with the police. In addition to the resources we create, links are provided with attribution to other free resources that have been developed by other organizations. The targeted audience for this project is high school and college students attending public high schools and community colleges. In 2015, Arizona legislature passed the American Civics Act (House Bill 2064). This bill requires students to pass a civics test based on the United States Immigration and Naturalization civics questions. Students are required to score 60% or higher in order to graduate from high school or obtain a high school equivalency certificate. The Arizona Department of Education along with help from the Maricopa County Education Service Agency and Arizona educators have developed a mostly multiple-choice version of the required test. The modules provide helpful information that pertains to the civic test along with additional informational useful to students and educators alike.<br/>There were a few goals kept in mind when assembling the modules and collecting information to put them together. The most important thing is to fairly and effectively educate<br/>2<br/>students about their rights and the place they can hold in their own government. The youth in America, and specifically Arizona, with one of the lowest rated public education systems in the country1, needs to better understand the justice system and the way it works in order to really be able to better understand and decide the role they play in it as they grow into the adult population. We also aimed to teach students, mostly young adults, how to navigate being involved with the law and situations they may find themselves in like being arrested or having to go to court. The videos included in the related modules teach students what to do if they’re ever arrested and go over important legal actions that could affect their outcome. It was also important to provide instructors with a fair and trusted curriculum that can be taught across the state. With a shortage of qualified teacher in the state, it is impossible to provide students from all different districts and background with the same content. With the mandated civics test required to graduate from high school, it’s important that students get a fair chance at passing despite their living conditions or resources. With the modules we provide, passing the civics test along with managing other issues that pertain to young Americans, become attainable and don’t require as much additional time spent outside of school hours. The additional topics covered within our modules also provide information regarding resources that students will find useful for their families and loved ones. Students in compromised neighborhoods may have family and loved ones dealing with court cases and the justice system. Overall, we wanted to provide an unbiased, all-inclusive curriculum that can be used across the state to help students learn about all aspects of the government in Arizona.

The thesis project merges interdisciplinary research to develop a self-directed creative intervention for immigrant youth, allowing them to make sense of their social and cultural identities. It takes research on self-awareness, multicultural identification, perceived belonging, and bibliotherapy to create a guided journal titled "Unearth," filled with art and writing prompts that are age-appropriate for adolescents and that serve as avenues for self-exploration. The project ultimately engages a focus group discussion to understand the usability and accessibility of the intervention.

Can You Hear Me is a short documentary which seeks to give voice to the experiences of trans and nonbinary students in ASU classrooms. What I present in this project are the direct spoken accounts of the feelings, thoughts and frustrations of transgender and nonbinary students as they navigate university classrooms at Arizona State University. Can You Hear Me serves as a representational platform for trans and nonbinary students to communicate their experiences to other students, staff and faculty in the hopes that it might help make classroom spaces more inclusive.

The Constitution is a document that was made over 200 years ago by a population that could have never imagined the type of technology or social advances made in the 21st century. This creates a natural rift between governing ideals between then and now, that needs to be addressed. Rather than holding the values of the nation to a time when people were not considered citizens because of the color of their skin, there need to be updates made to the Constitution itself. The need for change and the mechanisms were both established by the Framers while creating and advancing the Constitution. The ideal process to go about these changes is split between the formal Article V amendment process and judicial activism. The amendment process has infinite scope for changes that can be done, but due to the challenge involved in trying to pass any form of the amendment through both State and Federal Congresses, that process should be reserved for only fundamental or structural changes. Judicial activism, by way of Supreme Court decisions, is a method best applied to the protection of people’s rights.

The potential empowerment of the UN System as a result of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine requires an examination of what it could mean for both state sovereignty and the authority of the UN Security Council. I argue that the Security Council is already a sovereign body within the international system that would be greatly empowered by the implementation of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine and the veto reform efforts of the Accountability, Transparency and Coherence (ACT) Group. I rely on Carl Schmitt’s influential definition of sovereignty and his key takeaways regarding the 1919 German constitution to illustrate the existence of two distinct levels of Schmittian-like sovereigns in the international system: state sovereigns and representative sovereigns. I will then describe the authority and structure of the Security Council followed by a brief case study of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) intervention in Kosovo as an example of how real-life situations challenge the Security Council’s ability to exercise its role as a representative sovereign, including a discussion about how it can either fail to act or choose not to act and the difference between them. Afterwards, I will discuss the Responsibility to Protect doctrine and how it expands the relative power of representative sovereignty at the cost of reducing the relative power of state sovereignty, culminating in a discussion of what attempts to reform the veto power on the Security Council may do to the Council’s sovereignty. Finally, I will conclude with a discussion of the key takeaways of this paper and some further considerations.

In order to best approach the paradoxical concepts of exonerations and wrongful convictions in the determinate system of US courts, both court agents (i.e. attorneys and judges) and citizens that interact with it must increase their understanding of the various perspectives found in the process. Through the use of an app for mobile devices, information from the perspective of these court agents can be easily accessible for anyone, serving as a valuable learning tool for not only individuals that strive to work in the justice system, but citizens that will possibly interact with it in the future as well.