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- Member of: Theses and Dissertations
Description
Our thesis is a cross collaboration between international relations and industrial engineering. We used a combination of database logic, programming, and Microsoft Visual Studio to organize and analyze Middle Eastern politics. Not only does the final product show raw data entry, but it also can answer complex questions about Middle Eastern relations- queries so complex that Google can’t answer them. We organized and analyzed geopolitical data to make it more accessible and easy, hopefully you enjoy!
ContributorsGranillo-Walker, Erin (Co-author) / Gomez, Livingstone (Co-author) / Wu, Teresa (Thesis director) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies (Contributor) / School of Social Transformation (Contributor) / Historical, Philosophical & Religious Studies, Sch (Contributor) / School of Public Affairs (Contributor) / School of Politics and Global Studies (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
Description
Our thesis is a cross collaboration between international relations and industrial engineering. We used a combination of database logic, programming, and Microsoft Visual Studio to organize and analyze Middle Eastern politics. Not only does the final product show raw data entry, but it also can answer complex questions about Middle Eastern relations- queries so complex that Google can’t answer them. We organized and analyzed geopolitical data to make it more accessible and easy, hopefully you enjoy!
ContributorsGomez, Livingstone Labaco (Co-author) / Granillo-Walker, Erin (Co-author) / Wu, Teresa (Thesis director) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Industrial, Systems & Operations Engineering Prgm (Contributor) / Industrial, Systems & Operations Engineering Prgm (Contributor) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor)
Created2021-05
Description
Billionaires are a relatively new phenomenon, yet their influence is immense. Some billionaires hide in the shadows, and others are at the forefront of our society. With the advent of social media, the reach of billionaires at the forefront has expanded exponentially. Some sport their fancy lifestyles, some preach their views on the world, and some share what it takes to become like them. With 2.562 billion monthly YouTube users and millions of views for any video with or about billionaires, the reach the highly wealthy have is immense. So many are watching, raising two questions are the viewers watching with the intent of learning how to become a billionaire themselves or are they purely focused on entertainment value? Additionally, what purpose does speaking to the masses through YouTube serve for the wealthiest individuals in the world? This paper will attempt to answer these questions and dive deeper into the billionaire YouTube landscape. There will be a discussion of the immense power of billionaires, what it means to be one, and an analysis of a select few of America’s wealthiest individuals. Hopefully, this will give a better perspective on the wealth-based social media landscape.
ContributorsSchwager, Justin (Author) / Thomson, Henry (Thesis director) / Strickland, James (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Department of Marketing (Contributor) / Dean, W.P. Carey School of Business (Contributor)
Created2022-12
Description
This paper applies six components of Tocqueville's lens to Imperial Germany in an effort to demonstrate how from a contemporary's perspective the Kaiserreich can be understood to have deviated from what was conceived at the time as the standard path to political, economic, and social modernity, and that these deviations give a justification for the original positive understanding of a German Sonderweg that balanced the excesses of both Western Liberalism and Eastern Reactionarism whilst using the best.
ContributorsMcCoy, Jonah F (Author) / Taliaferro, Karen (Thesis director) / Benkert, Volker (Committee member) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Economics Program in CLAS (Contributor) / School of Civic & Economic Thought and Leadership (Contributor)
Created2021-12
Description
Created after the Second World War, the Central Intelligence Agency, or CIA, was a new and important part of the United States military and intelligence apparatus. Throughout the next two decades, the agency was tasked with working alongside the president and Department of State to promote the United States’ interests abroad, and work to prevent the spread of communism during the Cold War. It engaged in multiple controversial regime changes during this era and consistently drifted away from presidential authority. Despite this, the CIA never lost funding and always had complete support from the president. The CIA would face a reckoning during the Kennedy Administration, though, when its director was forced to resign. The understanding of the CIA’s relationship to the resident and his authority is crucial to analyzing the operations it performed, and the ever-increasing power the agency would wield in its global fight against communism.
ContributorsRadu, Zachary (Author) / Niebuhr, Robert (Thesis director) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / Computer Science and Engineering Program (Contributor) / School of International Letters and Cultures (Contributor)
Created2022-05
Description
This thesis provides an overview of the events of the 1956 Suez Crisis. It begins with a brief introduction to the history of decolonization in the immediate aftermath of World War II and proceeds with an analysis of the rise to power of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser. Next, the events leading up to the Suez Crisis are detailed along with the motivations and objectives of the aggressor nations. A final section is dedicated to the end of the Crisis and its ramifications.
ContributorsDuntley, Eric (Author) / Niebuhr, Robert (Thesis director) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Barrett, The Honors College (Contributor) / School of Molecular Sciences (Contributor)
Created2023-05
Description
This dissertation addresses the straightforward question: How do party internal formal and informal rules affect the selection of men and women candidates at the national level in Indonesia? Indonesia’s multiparty system, shaped by various historical party contexts, offers a compelling setting for analyzing the interplay between formal and informal party rules in selecting candidates. Using a mixed-method approach, this study integrates observation, interviews, and statistical analysis to explain how parties recruit and nominate their representatives in the parliament. The findings reveal that formal rules are primarily designed to legitimize the authority of the party leaders and elites at headquarters to control the candidate selection process. Besides formal rules, informal rules and practices coexist and influence the selection process, leading to variations across parties. In Islamic parties with established informal linkage with specific socio-religious groups, central party elites tend to select candidates from these party-affiliated groups. In contrast, in Islamic parties with weak party-group linkage, the selection process is similar to other parties, in which informal or personal networks tend to become the underlying selection rules. In these parties, informal party structures work to connect key party selectorates at the headquarters with potential candidates, including national and local politicians and individuals close to these politicians. Regarding women selection, these informal party rules benefit women with double networks, such as wives of local government heads and women activists of party-affiliated organizations. These double networks allow wives of local government leaders to connect with party selectorates through their family relationships with politicians and to build personal votes through their leadership positions in some state-affiliated women’s organizations in the regions. Similarly, leadership positions in party-affiliated women’s organizations have provided women activists with double networks crucial for connecting with party selectorates and potential voters at the grassroots. In sum, the presence of women in elected offices may partly depend on the characteristics of informal party rules that structure the party candidate selection process.
ContributorsHerawaty, Netty (Author) / Kittilson, Miki (Thesis advisor) / Hinojosa, Magda (Committee member) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2024
Description
This work explores the underlying dynamics of democracies in the context of underdevelopment, arguing that when society has not attained a substantial degree of economic independence from the state, it undermines democratic quality and stability. Economic underdevelopment and political oppression are mutually reinforcing, and both are rooted in the structure of the agriculture sector, the distribution of land, and the rural societies that emerge around this order. These systems produce persistent power imbalances that militate toward their continuance, encourage dependency, and foster the development of neopatrimonialism and corruption in the government, thereby weakening key pillars of democracy such as accountability and representativeness. Through historical analysis of a single case study, this dissertation demonstrates that while this is partly a result of actor choices at key points in time, it is highly influenced by structural constraints embedded in earlier time periods. I find that Ghana’s historical development from the colonial era to present day closely follows this trajectory.
ContributorsEllis, Alicia N (Author) / Thies, Cameron (Thesis advisor) / Warner, Carolyn (Committee member) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2019
Description
How do political elites perceive regional intergovernmental organizations that seek to promote democracy? When do political elites view regional intergovernmental institutions promoting democracy as legitimate? Many informal and formal types of regional intergovernmental institutions have sought to spread democracy. However, previous research on the nexus of regional intergovernmental institutions and democracy has focused primarily on the latter. Furthermore, these studies claim that membership in these formal international institutions (a.k.a. international organizations) increases the likelihood of the democratic survival of a newly democratic regime. Membership in these organizations provides a seal of approval that the newly democratic country intends to remain democratic. This kind of external validation should dissuade spoilers from undermining the transition and encourage ordinary people to support the transitional regime. This argument assumes that the domestic audience trusts this organization and believes it plays a vital role in society. Whether elites have confidence that the regional organization can positively impact democratic consolidation and how they perceive different types of regional organizations promoting democracy are empirical questions. This project seeks to answer these questions through a small sample and non-population-based elite survey experiment in Malaysia, Indonesia, and the Philippines. I also run a laboratory survey experiment with a larger sample of university students, giving me the opportunity for statistical power. The results suggest that political elites are skeptical of regional intergovernmental bodies promoting democracy. Meanwhile, non-elites consider regional institutions promoting democracy illegitimate when they are informal, i.e., no written shared expectations, rules, and permanent secretariat. When regional interstate cooperation on democracy operates under a formal procedure or codified in an international treaty and supported by a permanent secretariat, non-elites tend to consider them more legitimate.
ContributorsSari, Angguntari Ceria (Author) / Thies, Cameron G. (Thesis advisor) / Wright, Thorin (Thesis advisor) / Neuner, Fabian (Committee member) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Shair-Rosenfield, Sarah (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2022
Description
When does coercion succeed in international relations? Why do states resist coercion in some cases but concede in others? This dissertation adopts network analysis to investigate the network factors influencing the success and failure of economic and military coercion. The first chapter addresses the coercion target states’ information problem regarding how coercers would react to the targets’ resistances and concessions. By regarding resistances and concessions as network ties that can transmit information, it argues that past coercion outcomes endogenously influence targets’ current responses and coercion outcomes. Specifically, target states are more likely to concede to coercers who have been successful in gaining others’ compliance. Sender states are more likely to succeed in coercion when they had successful coercion in the past. The second chapter adds a condition to the first chapter’s argument. It argues that when being coerced by the same sender, a stronger sanction target’s compliance is likely to prompt a weaker target’s acquiescence, and that a weaker target’s resistance is likely to prompt a stronger target’s resistance. The third chapter explores how states’ positions in international security and economic networks influence the success and failure of military and trade coercion. States that occupy different network positions own different network power. I argue that when the coercion sender has relatively more network power than the target, the more likely coercion will be successful. I use interstate military alliances and arms transfer data to operationalize international security networks. International economic networks are operationalized by bilateral trade and regional trade agreements networks. Using military and trade coercion outcomes in the Military Compellent Threats (MCT) and the Threats and Imposition of Economic Sanctions (TIES) datasets as outcome variables, the statistical analysis partially supports my argument. Trade coercion is more likely to succeed when the sender has more network power. However, military coercion is less likely to succeed when the sender has more network power than the target.
ContributorsAi, Weining (Author) / Peterson, Timothy (Thesis advisor) / Thies, Cameron (Committee member) / Thomson, Henry (Committee member) / Chyzh, Olga (Committee member) / Arizona State University (Publisher)
Created2023